Paying women less costs us a lot (and we pretend nothing happened)
According to Eurostat, the wage difference between men and women in the European Union (gender pay gap) is 12%. In practice, considering the gross hourly wage, women earn on average 88 euros for every 100 euros received by men. It is a difference that does not concern individual sectors or specific professions, but crosses the entire labor market, taking on different forms and intensities depending on the national contexts.
The indicator used – the percentage difference between the average gross hourly wages of men and women, compared to the male wage – is deliberately simple. It does not take into account duties, qualifications, seniority or education. Precisely for this reason, it does not measure direct discrimination for equal roles, but returns the overall outcome of the functioning of a system. It is an indicator of result, not of intention.
A surprising inequality
In this context, Italy is at the top of the ranking after Luxembourg and Belgium, with an hourly wage gap of less than 3%. The comparison between European countries reveals a surprising geography of inequality. States considered economically and socially advanced, such as Austria, Germany or Finland, have high wage gaps, much higher than the European average, while others, traditionally considered less virtuous, show smaller differences.
This apparent inconsistency does not call into question the effectiveness of the index but invites us to delve deeper into the phenomenon. The wage difference, in fact, is profoundly influenced by the structure of the labor market: by the spread of involuntary part-time, by occupational segregation, by the degree of polarization of careers and by the weight of high-paid sectors. Yet, all this is not enough to describe the overall condition of women in the labor market. The smaller hourly wage gap coexists with other forms of inequality, often less visible but equally relevant. Female careers are more frequently discontinuous, access to top roles remains limited, involuntary part-time work is largely feminised, and opportunities for professional advancement appear more fragile in the medium to long term.
Downward leveling
In other words, better wage leveling – which unfortunately sometimes occurs downwards – is accompanied by greater selectivity in accessing and staying in work. The system does not penalize those who remain so much as those who enter, those who return, those who try to build a continuous trajectory in the presence of family ties and care burdens. Inequality, rather than manifesting itself in hourly wages, shifts along the axis of time, in career prospects, in future pensions, just to give an example.
In many European countries, especially those characterized by highly competitive and segmented labor markets, the gender wage gap tends to increase with age and seniority. The differences are amplified at managerial levels, in highly qualified professions, in the most dynamic sectors. Once again, it is not direct discrimination that explains the phenomenon, but the interaction between organizational models, expectations of total availability and asymmetric distribution of care work.
The slow improvement seen at European level over the last ten years – a reduction in wage gaps of just under three percentage points – suggests that we are facing a slow process of rebalancing. At the same time, however, gender inequalities tend to reproduce themselves by adapting to new production structures, to an economy that rewards extreme flexibility, absolute continuity and the overlap between life time and work time.
The gender wage gap is a valuable indicator: it signals real, albeit slow, progress and highlights significant differences between countries. However, if isolated from the broader context of opportunities, careers and conditions of access to work, it risks providing a partial representation of the phenomenon. It is a necessary indicator, but not sufficient, because it does not fully capture the gap between formal equality and substantial inequality, between recognized rights and material conditions of exercise. It is in this space that gender equality continues to reveal itself as an unfinished process, requiring policies, choices and transformations far deeper than a single percentage might suggest.
Expanding and improving women’s opportunities in the labor market is not just a question of equity, but a choice that directly affects the quality and efficiency of economic systems. Every barrier that limits access, continuity or progression of women’s careers narrows the effective perimeter of the market, reduces the pool of available talent and disperses qualified human capital.
With opportunities, the market expands
When opportunities expand, the market doesn’t just redistribute resources: it expands. It improves the match between skills and work, increases overall productivity, strengthens innovation and makes welfare systems more sustainable. In this sense, gender equality is not a variable external to the economy, but one of the conditions that determine its functioning.
Investing in female employment, in the quality of careers and in the full valorization of women’s work means pushing the market beyond its current boundaries, freeing up resources that are often underutilized today. As long as a significant part of human capital continues to be penalized, the market will remain incomplete and growth will remain fragile. However, where opportunities expand, the economy not only becomes fairer, but also broader, more solid, more capable of a future.
