A refined referendum that hides all the real opposition problems under the carpet
If on the one hand we have a prime minister (male, it is clear) who is trying to earn centrality on the international scene-so much so that he is looking for the Vatican bank in order to host the international summit for peace in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in the boot-on the other we have an center-left that seems to have a political agenda out of sync compared to the events that happen to him all around. While in the world – and yes, also in our country – there is a discussion of war, new world order, putinism, trumpism, “willing”, China, Europe and rearmo plan, in the center -left the referendum campaign on Jobs Act and immigration is made. By calling all those who – probably – are not only contrary to this government (especially in the field of immigration), but also to the 2014 center -left government, in the field of labor law. And this is the company: to ensure that there is a return to the past, canceling one of the main reforms made by the Democratic Party in the last twenty years – together with the law on civil unions. And, therefore, the Democratic Party of the present (not even everything) which is opposed to the Democratic Party of the past. Elly Schlein’s secretariat against Matteo Renzi’s secretariat. A battle, almost cultural, all internal to the field – more and closer – of the center -left. The “return to the future” of the Democratic Party could be said.
The referendum driven for the center -left leadership and the dethroned Parliament
The failure to achieve the quorum is almost obvious. Also because, if we want, these are very technical questions, which do not warm up the heart of the electorate. Almost an abuse of the use of the referendum instrument – which is increasingly becoming a method of election campaign at the expense of the state. The labor questions require a not indifferent preparation for labor law. Not to mention that relating to safety at work, linked to subcontracting companies. But on closer inspection, even the question concerning the acquisition of Italian citizenship, with the halving of the times of residence on our soil, is a theme that should be inserted in a wider vision of migratory policy. All subjects for which Parliament should be expressed. Indeed, it would be appropriate to ask themselves an even more crucial question for the destinies of our parliamentary republic: the weakening and dethronisation, in fact, of the Parliament, now relegated to the background for the Kings published on social networks by hyper-natural parliamentarians and aspiring leaders. Parliament – composed of co -opted politicians, who must not take care of obtaining any preference on the territories (another element on which to reflect), but worried about obtaining “likes” on social media – does not legislate, and citizens are called to decide on very technical and sectoral issues. And, in particular, this referendum is in fact an internal question to the center -left. It is a manifestation of internal consent, so as to be able to boast a few million voters – not sufficient from a practical point of view for the repeal of the laws involved – to strengthen a leadership. And here the crucial point is placed: which leadership will it strengthen? That of the secretary of the Democratic Party, Elly Schlein, or that of the CGIL secretary, Maurizio Landini? Because the center -left of these last three years, rather than opposition to the Meloni government, is committed to identifying the future leader of the coalition in the next political elections. Schlein, Conte or Landini? Or any other exponent of the last hour? Whether you win or get lost, the important thing is to be a leader.
What divides the center -left is much more than it unites it
To think badly, it could be said that the referendum “dripped” of 8 and 9 June is a media gimmick in order not to face a much more dramatic question: what divides the center -left is much more than that unites it. In some cases, the PD itself is torn to torn by different political views and sensitivity. The latter is struggling to find a synthesis within it, for example on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and also with respect to the new wave of anti-Semitism fueled by the policy of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Gaza. Just as in the Democratic Party there is no common view of the European rearmament plan, nor on the repeal of the Jobs Act. Even on the alliance, in general terms, with the 5 Star Movement, the spirits do not agree. If the center -left coalition today should express a total common line, it would have problems doing it on too many fronts. For this reason, the political agenda is elsewhere compared to the hottest themes of the moment. And this leaves ample space to the Meloni government, which in fact is not recording signs of disaffection among its voters (which has been rare for an executive in office for over two years). More than outside, the Democratic Party is making opposition inside, trying to expel from its political body those elements not aligned with the anti-Rarmo political line, pro-abolition of the Jobs Act and, more generally, contrary to what was a liberal-democratic left with majority vocation. A left that today seems to want to marry, however, the same populist line of the 5 Star Movement of Giuseppe Conte and the most radical positions of AVS.
Who makes opposition to the Meloni government?
On closer inspection, those who are doing the true opposition to the Meloni government is not the Democratic Party or the other parties and movements of the center -left, but Matteo Salvini and Marina Berlusconi. The first is hypercritical compared to the Europeanist management of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and declares itself a fanboy Trumpiano, up to extreme levels. The second, Marina Berlusconi, is ready to beat the executive every time Meloni differs from a Europeanist and liberal line (see the famous tax on banks’ extra-profits). Ultimately, this referendum is the stylistic figure of the irrelevance of a center -left contracted to the radical populism of a certain left, which ends up going hand in hand with populism – always a little Christian Democrat – by Giuseppe Conte. A mixture intended to occupy a only symbolic opposition role for the whole next decade. Unless, of course, it does not change something about the international chessboard.