Victimhood or conspiracy syndrome? Neither. Between the “Toti case”, Sangiuliano’s resignation and the continuous alleged revelations of Miss Boccia, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni feels under siege. On the horizon there are three regional elections, a referral to trial for the head of the Ministry of Tourism Daniela Santanchè and the “Fitto knot” to unravel. All this while the government is preparing to prepare the first budget with the rules of the new stability pact. Who, in a context like this, wouldn’t feel the heat on their neck? But, let’s go in order and try to understand.

Boccia, Sangiuliano and Meloni’s awareness

Without wanting to be a flat-earther or a conspiracy theorist who believes in chemtrails, is it fair to think that Mrs. Boccia is making all this fuss because she is a betrayed woman who acts as an avenger? It is out of the question that she is a spy sent by the Russians, but who can absolutely claim that she operates alone? Are we really sure that she is just an upstart who aims to have the same followers as Ferragni? Anything could be, but the truth is that judicial investigations are no longer effective, they are not enough to cause a debacle at the polls. The center-right, by nominating Bucci as mayor, has pulled out the wild card that could overturn an outcome that seems already written.

And, therefore, if it is not possible to collapse the consensus for the center-right neither with the trials of Giovanni Toti or of the minister Daniela Santanché nor to start an investigation against Arianna Meloni, then it is better to veer towards gossip. The truth, or rather ‘the unsaid’, is that there is no ‘Big Brother’ or ‘puppet master’ pulling the strings of a mega-conspiracy. But, it is equally true that the first ‘center-right’ government, led by a sovereignist party and heir of the MSI, has undermined certain consolidated powers. The center-right, and Giorgia Meloni, first and foremost, is aware of the fact that, in Italy, there are strong powers such as the judiciary, the RAI and the world of culture and cinema have always been the prerogative of the left.

It is not victimhood or encirclement syndrome, but awareness. The left-wing media and cinema system has never forgiven Berlusconi for the liberal revolution he was able to impose on the media nor for the fact that in 1994, in the space of a few months, he blocked the left from the road that would have led Achille Occhetto to Palazzo Chigi. Meloni is aware that the judiciary cannot forgive him for the appointment of Carlo Nordio and his reforms in the field of justice, while in Piazza Mazzini they were taken aback by the imposed revolution that, beyond the ratings, for the first time saw the left downsized even on RaiTre.

Fitto’s role in the EU is the real problem for the Meloni government

Having said this, we must ask ourselves: can the Sangiuliano case, the Santanchè case and all the others that have arisen in these two years really worry Giorgia Meloni? It is clear that, in a context like the one just described, the prime minister has the intention of keeping her antennae up and wanting to control the situation to prevent it from getting out of hand. In reality, the enemy is not at home given that even Forza Italia has temporarily lowered the flag of the Ius Scholae, waiting to present a bill of its own.

The dangers do not even come from the opposition that in Liguria is wrapped up in the dilemma: Renzi yes or Renzi no? In recent days, then, the video of Elly Schlein has gone viral, as a guest of Piazza Pulita, watching in astonishment the rather disappointing result of the poll that sees FdI at 30%, a good seven points above the PD. A frame that brings to mind the statement that the Democratic secretary made the day after the European elections: “The message is clear: Giorgia Meloni we are coming”. A risky statement that leaves the doubt hanging that this phantom arrival is increasingly distant since the PD is struggling even to recover Renzi and Calenda. Schlein’s allies do not want the former, while the latter does not want to re-enter the broad field that she describes, with good reason, as “a big mess”.

Of course, for Meloni losing 3-0 in the next regional elections would be a setback, but it would not revive the opposition. The center-right has already taken into account losing in Emilia-Romagna, while the defeat in Umbria would be a defeat for Salvini’s League which is re-presenting the outgoing governor and a debacle in Liguria would be justifiable with the particular context that led to the early elections. The real problems could come from Brussels if Raffaele Fitto were not to obtain the positions that Ursula Von Der Leyen promised him, while at home Meloni has only herself to fear.