In the perfect world dreamed of by Giuseppe Conte there would be a second clean hands to inflate the consent for the 5 Star Movement, with Marco Travaglio to mount an epic narrative on the new pool of Superhero magistrates on Il Fatto Quotidiano, the mayor of Milan Giuseppe Sala and that of Pesaro Matteo Ricci would be under house arrest and all the prosecutors would be flooded by a whole refluve of confessions. and further arrests and blitz. Instead, at least for the moment, the pentastellato leader must be satisfied with a clamor in that of Milan and to read the cards, sent to him by Elly Schlein, who concern the mayor from Pesaro to decide whether the 5 Star Movement, from the top of his very mirrored moral conduct, can support the candidate of the Democratic Party in the next regional elections in the Marche. Very little thing, it will be said, especially if related to the political earthquake that took place in the judicial-year-period-jacobin 92-94.

The justice and Manettara tradition of the M5S

Because the 5 Star Movement, even if weakened with the Leadership Contiana-which makes him look more like a new Christian democracy of the Center-South-has in his DNA that cultural imprint based on the Justice Manettaro of clean hands. Seeing the politician taken away by the police – in those splaced images of the news, species of Mediaset, of the early 90s – with the jacket put to hide handcuffs on the wrists. Feel the screams of the crowd outside the Rafael hotel and see the forest of hands of the crowd that waved the thousand lire, the five thousand lire of paper and then, in the air, look at the coins sparkling – and also some telephone token – to hit the windshield of Craxi’s escort machine. Here, this is the primordial broth from which the 5 Star Movement is born. From the prodromes of Antonio Di Pietro, who is summoned by the then Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, to the point of going to the office of Cesare Previti in Prati – with the journalists already attended on the entrance door – to be offered a prominent place in the center -right government – to the Ministry of the Interior – and refuse. And then, always Di Pietro himself who in 1996 agrees to enter the Prodi government as Minister of Public Works and, after a year, to be nominated as an independent for the olive tree for the supplementary for the Senate, in the very armored college of Mugello. It should be noted that being candidate for supplementary is already a privilege that is recognized to those who – for various reasons – enjoys a preferential lane. To this is added the fact of being a candidate in a safe college. In short, the justice populism has since enjoyed a solid bank by the center -left. So much so that then, a few lusters further – in 2009 – Beppe Grillo himself tried to apply for the primary of the Democratic Party to become secretary. Danger that was foiled, with Piero Fassino who ruled: “If Beppe Grillo wants to do politics, that he will make his party. We will see how many votes he takes.” Here, in fact.

By Pietro Father Nobile of the M5S

The 5 Star Movement, therefore, starts from the political creature of Antonio Di Pietro, Italy of values (yes, there was also a splash of “purple people”, but I doubt that someone has kept memory). So much so that the company of Gianroberto Casaleggio – the other founder, together with Grillo, of the movement – took care of the communication and the website. In short, the mixture of political realities founded in the flesh and blood of the Mantattaro justice, has its reification in the characters who, first, killed the first Republic – Antonio Di Pietro – and at a later time they deflected the debut of the second – Casaleggio and Grillo. Because then, on closer inspection, it is absolutely not true that the 5 Star Movement had the merit of channeling, in a democratic and institutional form, the anger of the Italians, which would otherwise have exploded in a violent rebellion. At most the 5 Star Movement, through very low populist mezzucci, has reassured that piece of Italy who sought comfort in their hyper-staliste aspirations, typical of those who ask that the state must only be charged to their economic and human realization (affective still no, but perhaps Conte’s M5s could amaze in this sense). In an almost “Soviet” vision of public affairs. This piece of country, the hyper-statterist one, was bought, both from the first and from the second M5S, to the sound of bonuses and public funds. And in fact, the only element that has survived, between the 5 Star Movement of the origins and this “Contiano”, is to be referred to the promises of public money for everyone (and yes, also the positions in pro-Relusse and pro-Cinese foreign policy, but this is much more complex matter). I don’t think someone may have forgotten Giuseppe Conte who, during the election campaign for the last political elections of 2022, went around to remind the Italians who had been able to renovate the house at the beach “free” thanks to him and his two governments. This has been and is still the 5 Star Movement.

The M5S has never produced a valid administrative political class

The 5 Star Movement has never been able to propose a credible ruling class at a territorial level. If you are an exception for the president of the Sardinia Region Alessandra Todde, on which it is still premature to express a judgment, the previous pentastellate have been disappointing. From Virginia Raggi to Rome, passing through Chiara Appendino in Turin, up to Filippo Nogarin in Livorno, we cannot speak of successes. None of these were re -candidate and someone has also been the subject of warranty notices, processes and convictions. In one case there was a real success, with Federico Pizzarotti, mayor of Parma, but he had decided to leave the 5 Star Movement already in 2012. Almost the movement could not stand that a local administrator could earn and increase his consent (typical dynamic of the Soviet PCus). To date, the previous ones are mostly negative if not, in some cases, embarrassing. And it is this 5 Star Movement that today, on the wave of a possible new judicial season and Manettara, claims to contract the candidates for the next regional ones with the Democratic Party. Starting from the suspended judgment on Matteo Ricci, depending on the response that Giuseppe Conte will give after reading the judicial papers. A political party that, by tradition, has never managed to express in sixteen years of history a candidate and an administrator capable of repeating his mandate, today he holds a party on the rope who, however, has had dozens of administrators – between mayors and presidents of the region – who have well ruled and have re -elected.

Elly Schlein’s weak leadership and the principle of presumption of innocence

It is clear that Giuseppe Conte can claim that the candidate for the presidency of the center -left brands is subjected to his preliminary sentence, because the leadership of the Democratic Party is weak. Here, it is necessary to say it: in this case Elly Schlein is demonstrating a weak and subordinate leadership to the justice culture of Giuseppe Conte. It is demonstrating it in the case of the Marche, as well as compared to the Milanese affair, with a shy support arrived after two days to Giuseppe Sala. Both Matteo Ricci and Sala represent two successful stories in the administration of public affairs. At least until proven otherwise and, at least, up to a final judgment – if anything, there will be processes that will concern the two politicians. The flattening of the Democratic Party compared to the Justalist positions of the M5S is certainly part of a tradition that is borrowed from the ruling class of the center-left of the three-year Manettaro 92-94. But it should not be forgotten that in that historical situation, as well as for all twenty years to follow, the center -left was supine to the leadership of the Berlusconi center -right. Here, if you really want to chase the moderate and liberal vote, the famous “center”, instead of inventing new leaders and moderate civic lists, which starts to follow up on a principle: the presumption of innocence against the carriage justice of the hyper-stalist populists and, all in all, conservatives.